Diary of my Death (1/2)

At dusk he darted up the steps in front of the hotel, beneath the shadows of pines and cypresses, toward the street, then, wedged between the nervous headlights of the cars and the stone wall, along toward the Triton Fountain on the left, where the music swelled in the distance, in that second in which time seemed to stretch, slipping unrecognized through the crowd across the bridge toward Repubblica, plunging into the flood of people, hiding in plain sight, submerging himself in the roaring sea of sounds and rhythms…

The procession of floats and costumes surged back and forth, hands waving wildly, bodies turning in feigned ecstasy, the red-blue-green of the costumes whirling around dragons and snakes. At times the dancers spun to the beat; then they stood again in their sweat, masks before their faces.

This was the Valletta Carnival, at the beginning of February, a street parade that flowed into a nocturnal festival—colors, fun and dancing in the ravines of medieval alleys.¹ Venetian wigs and lace dresses, drums and trumpets, and every so often a shower of confetti. He had stumbled into it while fleeing sanctions by the European Union, which could strike anyone, and he stopped over in Malta, hiding in the public bustle, hoping no one would see him in the crush.

His eyes and senses filtered from the revelry whatever appeared threatening; neural pathways linked red and yellow with a diffuse danger, and the amygdala sounded the alarm. There it was again, burned into the neural networks: the list on which his name appeared.²

For him, it had all begun quite harmlessly: students at the University of Media, Communication and Management in Berlin who, in the summer semester of 2021, in the course “Research for Television,” refused to hear the other side, to test cherished convictions—in short, to do what journalism is about: believe nothing, ask questions. A research group working on “Mass Protests in Belarus” “overlooked” the indication that a Belarusian activist, Sophija Savtchouk from Minsk, was paid by the U.S. organization German Marshall Fund for what she called “classic democracy promotion.” A clear indication of U.S. influence, an attempted color revolution in Belarus, that should have been investigated. A second group, working on diversity, persistently refused to question both sides or to let those speak who hold the view that sex is not assigned but ascertained.³

But reality no longer mattered to these students; what mattered were narratives, the discourse that offered them the freedom to define what is true by words alone.⁴ They moved at their own discretion through the rubble landscape of a destroyed objective reason,⁵ and by elevating themselves above the debris of deconstruction they gave themselves the feeling of powerful self-transcendence—identitarian megalomania at work, all the more oppressive because, like a creeping poison, it produced a constant sense of unease.

Convictions had long since filled the darkness that knowledge was meant to illuminate, and the empty tautology of identitarian thinking had replaced the test of reality.⁶ But if narratives are arbitrary, then they arise from interests, and ultimately from the will to power. What remains is the academic’s desire to establish domination through words because he himself commands language. Postmodernism had abandoned its relation to reality; the test of facts had yielded to discourse, reality dissolved into megalomania, linguistic signs followed the interests of a power elite of academics, politicians, media and corporate interests, and a pre-fascist arbitrariness began to shape political decisions.⁷

The narratives began to become interchangeable, because a higher good was postulated and disseminated by the propaganda media with the aim of establishing a regime of comprehensive social control that knew no privacy: the Corona regime regulated contact bans and, through vaccination orders, deprived individuals of control over their own bodies; the climate regime regulated how people live, how they move about, what they are allowed to eat; the wokeness regime determined who was permitted to say what and what not, so that even the smallest minority would not feel hurt by microaggressions. The war regime forced people to take a stand against Russia’s “unprovoked war of aggression.” Yet nothing was as it was portrayed.

All these regimes replaced reality with simulation, destroyed the universal validity of reason, and forced people under the yoke of a narrative that served the interests of those who formulated it. Reason abdicated, because without testing reality against objective criteria, only the arbitrariness of power remained. Postmodern totalitarianism, writes Michael Esfeld, is like a hydra[^8]: cut off one head and the next grows in its place—the metastases of cognitive warfare against one’s own population, constantly mobilizing fear and eroding society’s immune system, a new form of class rule.⁸

It flashed through his mind how the bookseller at Moritzplatz in Berlin-Kreuzberg had excitedly told him: I cannot hold a reading with you in my shop; we have the room, but woke street gangs smash my windows, smear the facade, steal books from the shelves to prevent the sale of unwelcome writings—somewhere between iconoclasm and book burning. A new paramilitary storm detachment that placed its own claim to validity above that of others, ready for any denunciation, any street battle, to protect the existing order and serve a new coup d’état of stupidity. A stupefied Bionade bourgeoisie wanted to gain power through censorship and thus made itself the henchman of degenerate elites.

The war in Ukraine had turned the Federal Republic into a different country: a state of intimidation⁹ that disfigured itself into recognizability with every weapons delivery by the warmongers, every financial injection for Kyiv, every state-funded so-called non-governmental organization. A country that now apparently was to be drawn, through staged false-flag operations such as the allegedly Russian drone at Leipzig Airport, into the declaration of a state of tension and thus into martial law.¹⁰

He hurried into an alley, slid along the wall of a building, reached the door of a bar, clenched his hands around the counter until his knuckles turned white, and ordered a glass of beer. The landlord stood at the tap with his back turned; he looked at the man’s neck and saw acne scars, looked away and turned toward the din of the carnival. That was the carnival: once the powerless had mocked their masters; now the powerful mocked the powerless, those who paid for this war.

The cold beer numbed his demons; he ordered another. In his jacket pocket was the envelope with the unregistered SIM card. His calls must not be traceable. The hunters lurked on the internet too. They followed every electronic trace, located him, encircled him, found him, cut off his escape routes—across the border, into countries beyond the EU. That afternoon he had asked his way to one of those Indian electronics shops on Triq ir-Repubblika, bargained with the salesman, pressed him to reach under the counter, listened to his assurances: yes, everywhere, it works everywhere, not only here in Malta, it is not registered, he does not want to see an ID, you can call anywhere, anywhere.

In the deceptive security of the bar, his attention slipped, and his thoughts blurred into swaying revenants, hovering like morning mist above the beach of memory, in which moments of dawning danger were enclosed in the resin of fear and hardened into nightmarish inclusions:

Lars Wienand’s hatchet job, which had portrayed him as a Russian election observer at the 2022 referendums in the Donbas; the telephone dismissal from his teaching post at HMKW, which reached him shortly after direct shelling west of Donetsk—“We will distance ourselves sharply from you!”—and which was driven by professors connected to transatlantic organizations such as the German Marshall Fund; the false reporting by almost the entire propaganda press, which turned the alleged election observer into a Kremlin propagandist; his summary dismissal by Kiel University, which the Schleswig-Holstein Administrative Court three quarters of a year later rejected as unconstitutional;¹¹ the attempt by his own employer, NDR, to accuse him of unauthorized outside employment and subject him to labor-law proceedings;¹² the Verdi trade union’s initiative to prevent a discussion at the Verdi seniors’ group in Eutin; the intervention of the German Library Association—whose vice president was Renate Künast of the Greens—to pressure the Malchin municipal library into canceling a reading; the nationwide campaign by the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, Sächsische Zeitung, MDR, the Greens, the Left and the German-Ukrainian Historians’ Commission against a discussion at the Kamenz municipal theater, which ultimately had to be moved into the foyer because 350 guests filled the stands to overflowing; the Rosa Luxemburg Foundation of the Left refusing to cover the costs of a lecture by its circle of friends in Greifswald; the city of Kiel refusing to rent the German Peace Society a room for a reading; the campaign by the NATO-affiliated so-called NGO “Nafo” and the Rheinische Post against a deputy headmaster at the Geilenkirchen grammar school near Aachen who wanted to organize a discussion with his pupils about his experiences in the war zone, which he was ultimately forced to cancel under pressure and which led to his being summoned to the education ministry; the tenant of the Weitblick event venue in Munich, whose lease was terminated after a lecture; the defamation by the weekly Die Zeit and the Sächsische Zeitung, which presented an evening with him and Alexander Milyutin, First Counsellor of the Embassy of the Russian Federation, at the Freiberg Forum as Russian propaganda; the pro-Ukrainian provocateurs at the discussion with Alexander von Bismarck on “Peace with Russia” at the Rudolf Steiner House in Berlin, who had caused a tumult and then used complaint letters to put pressure on the managing director; the Erich Mühsam Society in Lübeck, which first invited him and then wanted to make his appearance conditional on his distancing himself from the AfD; the event posters in Pfaffenhofen, Bavaria, on which his likeness had been painted over with a Hitler moustache; the so-called NGO “Fake Observers,” financed by the European Union and the German Foreign Office, which continued to list him as an election observer and thereby played into the hands of Ukrainian death squads, and against which the Berlin public prosecutor saw no reason to act.¹³ Almost as if people were secretly delighted when others did the dirty work for the warmongers.¹⁴

Those who organized these campaigns had one goal: to drive Germany ever deeper into the Ukraine war. They did so knowingly and deliberately. It showed that the Germans were joining in again. Like drunken bums, they wallowed in the gutter in the piss of borrowed power. It also showed how almost all social institutions in Germany had been converted into transmission belts for the warmongers. Germany was the EU’s Mecca of censorship. No other government intervened so heavily in opinion formation while simultaneously steering it. A network of more than 300 government agencies, state- and EU-funded so-called non-governmental organizations, think tanks, academic institutes and foundations served as transmission belts for state propaganda, and more than 425 state grants and funding programs served content control and the denunciation of government critics. The federal government deploys digital snoopers such as HateAid and Machine Against the Rage to track down, monitor and ultimately repress politically unwelcome expressions of opinion online.

In the background, NATO and the European Union pulled the strings.¹⁵ As the German Council on Foreign Relations had already recommended in November 2022, guidelines at state, federal, EU and ultimately global level were to be aligned with the security interests of the country, the EU and NATO, encompassing areas as varied as education, health and policing.¹⁶ The institutional anchors were therefore the EU and NATO, whose structures guaranteed direct economic and security-policy dependence, and transatlantic think tanks such as the Atlantic Council, which ensured the ideological integration of the German censorship complex into U.S. geostrategy.¹⁷ That was why the ideological and repressive state organs worked together like communicating vessels. Their measures were part of NATO’s “cognitive warfare,” whose aim was not only to flood people’s minds with propaganda but also to manipulate the structure of thought and feeling, digitally control internet users and ultimately make the mind controllable through neuro- and bioweapons.¹⁸ The cruelest sanction of all, however, came from the Kiel bar “Palenke”: “You are a conspiracy theorist; you are not getting a beer here!”¹⁹

Yet this seems harmless compared with the sanctions that the EU and individual states impose on individuals such as Jacques Baud, Nathalie Yamb and Hüseyin Doğru—measures that, through travel bans, frozen accounts and bans on paid employment, aim at destroying livelihoods, establishing beyond law and justice a new rule of arbitrariness, a form of martial law that can strike anyone who does not share the propaganda of the warmongers in Brussels.²⁰

The instruments of torture show it: the Berlin public prosecutor summoned him and wanted to question him as a witness, providing judicial assistance to the justice system of that Ukraine whose SBU intelligence service had put him on the Myrotvorets list. He was to testify against Denis W. Pushilin and other politicians in the Russian-controlled areas of the Donbas.²¹ He remembered how he had repeatedly been detained in the war zone, stared into assault rifles with their safeties off: everyone out, unpack the suitcases, over there, move, IDs and luggage are confiscated, wait in the cell; then hours of interrogation by military intelligence under cold neon light. In the war zone, incriminating someone there with a statement would have amounted to a death sentence.

He appeared for questioning with a lawyer and submitted written pleadings. He invoked his journalistic right to refuse testimony, explaining that if he testified, “I must seriously, presently and concretely fear becoming the victim of a targeted killing operation.”²² The snatch squads of the warmongers and their legal henchmen were drawing ever closer. From that too he sought protection far from the world, in Malta.

He placed a euro banknote on the bar; the landlord held it under a scanner and the hologram flashed in fluorescent green. Then the bartender came back and refused to accept it: the note was torn and marked; please pay by card. He placed his credit card on the counter and entered the PIN into the reader. What have I done, flashed through his mind; this is the digital shadow that shows the hunters the trail. With the breath of his pursuers on his neck, he forgot the fifty-euro note on the counter when he left the bar.

In the old Fort St. Elmo above Valletta, at the National War Museum, he looked at images of the battles in the Mediterranean, the destruction of the years 1940–1944, the old machine guns, the wounded civilians, and, looking into the display cases, saw his own abysses; suddenly he smelled his own sour sweat, which had run like soapy broth from his armpits down his flanks as he packed his suitcase in the last evening light—socks, shirts, toiletries, jeans and sweaters for camping in the woods, a rain jacket, hiking boots—what would one have to take at the moment of flight that would close the way back forever, while the enticing smell of skewers on the grill rose from the courtyard of the neighboring row of houses, the wind carried over the conversations of the mentally benighted about football, and the screeching of war-crazed political performers came from the television. The unreal, nightmarish mood caught up with him again as, within the innermost circle of escape helpers, he discussed routes by car, passages across the green border, guest rooms in the houses of secret supporters, and with others checked the equipment: spare phones, anonymous internet access, unregistered computers.

At night he lay half awake, half asleep, his senses never entirely at rest and ready to spring at any moment, awaiting the instant before dawn when they would ring the bell with an arrest or search warrant and immediately, without hesitation, enter, bind his hands and feet with cable ties, press him face down onto the carpet with a tactical boot on his neck, so that he would not even be able to hand over the prepared legal protests and applications for sealing, and any movement would be construed as resisting enforcement officers, immediately resulting in a criminal complaint—in that moment when the German present coincides with the German past; this time, however, to save that phantom democracy they mean and with which they throw sand in our eyes. Once again, state terror would be a master from Germany.²³

Perhaps—if he could jump up quickly enough, pull on the trousers and sweaters laid out, seize the suitcase kept ready under the bed, throw it over the balcony railing into the neighboring garden and lower himself down or jump over the wall, flee through the driveway into a parallel street and, keeping under cover, reach an escape vehicle—perhaps then he would have a chance of escaping state arbitrariness. The sanctions of a transnational despotism called the EU strike anyone out of the blue; no one has a right to be heard or to a lawyer anymore; beyond law and justice they hunt those who oppose their course of war. A new witch-hunt against democrats has long since begun in Europe, while the anti-democratic warmongers sing hymns to Western values and at the same time ruin their own countries for a pat on the back from Washington. In the safe house at the border lie the anti-drone ponchos made of aluminum foil. There, at the hairpin bend, he would slip past an abandoned border post. But would he even make it that far?

In the afternoon he took the ferry to Bormla on the other side of the bay. A meeting at Café Rouge on the quay with a lawyer wearing a Borsalino and sunglasses with a blue shirt. The law firm handled company formations, real-estate purchases and banking transactions. It was supposed to help open an account in Malta. Would he still be able to get at his money in a Maltese bank if the EU placed him under sanctions and stripped him of all rights?

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lequel elles se regardent en quelque sorte les unes les autres et ce qui n’existe qu’à travers la grille d’un regard, d’une attention, d’un langage; et c’est seulement dans les cases blanches de ce quadrillage qu’il se manifeste en profondeur comme déjà là, attendant en silence le moment d’être énoncé.” Foucault, Michel: Les Mots et les Choses. Paris 1990, S. 24f.

Die Vorlage von Diana Zimmermann gibt auch einen Hinweis auf die Kumpanei von Medien und Politik. Hänseler, Peter: “Doe Würde des Menschen ist unantastbar” - wirklich? Forum Geopolitica, 11.09.2026, https://forumgeopolitica.com/de/artikel/die-wrde-des-menschen-ist-unantastbar-wirklich

Zur Veranschaulichung s. Laihonen, Sanna Malinin: Carneval Malta 13.02.2026 - 17.02.2026 v. 16.02.2026. ↩︎
https://myrotvorets.center/criminal/baab-patrik/ ↩︎
Baab, Patrik: Investigation Topics HMKW Fall Semester 2021/22, 20.09.2021 ↩︎
“L’ordre, c’est à la fois ce qui se donne dans les choses comme leur loi intérieure, le réseau secret selon ↩︎
Habermas über Foucault: “Gleichwohl schwebt dem Autor hier noch eine Diskursanalyse vor, sie sich tiefenhermeneutisch an die Ursprungsorte jener anfänglichen Verzweigung von Wahnsinn und Vernunft zurücktastet, um im Gesprochenen das Ungesagt zu dechiffrieren... Wäre das seine Absicht, müßte Foucault archäologisch herumklettern in der trümmerlandschaft einer zerstörten objektiven Vernunft, aus deren stummen Zeugen sich retrospektiv immer noch die Perspektive einer (wenn auch längst widerrufenen) Versöhnungshoffnung formen lässt.” Habermas, Jürgen: Der philosophische Diskurs der Moderne, Frankfurt a. M. 2019(13), S. 282f. ↩︎
“Identität... ist zunächst nichts weiter aks der Ausdruck der leeren Tautologie. Es ist daher richtig bemerkt worden, dass dieses Denkgesetz ohne Inhalt sei und nicht weiterführe... Aus dem Konkreten selbst oder seinem synthetischen Satze würde die Abstraktion den Satz der Identität wohl durch Analyse herausbringen können; aber in der Tat hätte sie die Erfahrung nicht gelassen, wie sie ist, sondern verändert; denn die Erfahrung enthielt vielmehr die Identität in Einheit mit der Verschiedenheit und ist die unmittelbare Widerlegung von der Behauptung, dass die abstrakte Identität als solche etwas Wahres sei, denn gerade das Gegenteil, nämlich die Identität, nur vereinigt mit der Verschiedenheit, kommt in jeder Erfahrung vor.” Hegel, G. W. F. : Wissenschaft der Logik 2. Werke Bd. 6, Frankfurt a. M. 1983, S. 41, 43 ↩︎
“Science and the rule of law thereby constitute the two pillars of modernity as shaped by the age of Enlightenment. In contrast to nearly all the other cultures in history, Enlightenment... achieved the abolishment of slavery and eventually the banning of all sorts of racism from the public life. It set the cultural background that led to an enormous scientific, technological an economic progress, creating a standard of living and qualitry of life for all segments of the population of which earlier ages could not even dream. However, paradoxically enough, the very success of science and the constitutional state provoked a hubris that today risks ending up in their self-destruction. In science, the hubris consists in transgressing the border between discovering facts and prescribing norms as expressed in the slogan “Follow the Science”. In the constitutional state, the hubris consists in transgressing the border between safeguarding the right to self-determination of every person in protecting them against unwanted external interference in their course of life and protecting them against all sorts of risks that can arise in life, thus turning universal negative rights of defence against interference into positive rights to all sorts of entitlements as in the welfare state. The result of this nefarious development is that we ara about to return to a pre-enlightenment condition with science becoming a sort of secular religion - scientism - that legitimises an ever-increasing state power which regulates every aspect of social and even private life: welfare totalitarianism... One of the key elements of this transformation is the following: people are put under the general suspicion of endangering others through their everyday ways of self-determining their lives. Whatever they do out of their own free will in taking responsibility for their lives and engaging in all sorts of voluntary social interactions may contribute, for instance, to spreading a dangerous virus, to causing an apocalyptic climate change or to hurting the feelings of minority groups whose members suffered from injustice in the past. There is then a pervasive suspicion the everybody is a potential danger to everybody else. People cleanse themselves from this general suspicion by submitting to a comprehensive regulation and surveillance of their social and private lives that is imposed on them by an alliance of scientists, politicians, media and business interests. What used to be basic rights to self-determination is replaced with privileges for conformity with a totalitarian regime of all-comprehensive social control. This is the development that has recently become manifest in the corona, the climate and the wokeness regimes. Far from being merely exaggerated reactions to real risks or injustices, these are regimes in the sense of comprehensive regulations of social and even private life that are imposed on the people through to coercive power of the state. They thereby constitute the hitherto culminating point of the self-dstruction of science and the rule of law in our civilisation.... To put it in a nutshell, our diagnosis is that the current trend towards a new totalitarianism is the result of the convergence of four elements: (1) political scientism; (2) intellectual postmodernism; (3) welfare state; (4) crony capitalism.” Esfeld, Michael u. Cristian Lopez: Restoring Science and the Rule of Law. London 2024, S. 1f., 6 ↩︎
Van der Pijl, Kees: Die belagerte Welt. Corona: Mobilisierung der Angst - und wie wir uns daraus befreien können. Ratzert 2021 ↩︎
Becchi, Franz: Verfassungsrechtler: “Wir sind auf dem Weg in den Einschüchterungsstaat”. Angst als politisches Mittel, Meldestellen als Warnsignal. Im Interview zieht Volker Boehme-Neßler Bilanz zur Corona-Politik und erklärt, warum sie immer noch aktuell ist. Berliner Zeitung, 27.01.2026, https://www.berliner-zeitung.de/article/verfassungsrechtler-volker-boehme-nessler-wir-sind-auf-dem-weg-in-einen-einschuechterungsstaat-10016009 ↩︎
Forchauer, Uwe: Leipzig, Russland und die “eindeutigen Beweise”. Sanktionen oder Vorwand zur weiteren Eskalation? Apolut, 02.09.206, https://apolut.substack.com/p/leipzig-russland-und-die-eindeutigen ↩︎
Schleswig-Holsteinisches Verwaltungsgericht AZ: 9A 167/22, Urteil Dr. Sievers, Vizepräsident des VG, Zerrenner, Richter am VG, Kruse, Richterin. ↩︎
Schreiben Verwaltungsleitung des NDR, Gaby Kies v. 28.09.2022 ↩︎
Alle diese Ereignisse sind mit Zeugenaussagen und Dokumenten belegt. ↩︎
“Frau Zimmermann, ich bin Ihnen dankbar für den Begriff ‘Drecksarbeit’.Das ist die Drecksarbeit, die Israel macht für uns alle, sagte Bundeskanzler Friedrich Merz (CDU) am 17.06.2026 im ZDF-Interview auf Frage der Leiterin des ZDF-Hauptstadtstudios in Berlin Diana Zimmermann über den völkerrechtswidrigen Angriff Israels auf den Iran. Das Regime in Teheran habe “Tod und Zerstörung über die Welt gebracht”. Er habe größten Respekt vor dem Mut Israels, so Merz. ↩︎
Häring, Norbert: Der Wahrheitskomplex. Wie NGOs im Staatsauftrag unerwünschte Meinungen bekämpfen. Neu-Isenburg 2026, S. 187ff. ↩︎
“Die Bundesregierung muss die Interoperabilität, die Komplementarität von Innovationen und die Bewertung der Sicherheit von Technologien zwischen Bund und Ländern stärken, um skalierbare Technologien auf europäischer und letztlich globaler Ebene aufzubauen. Entsprechende Bemühungen auf nationaler Ebene sind somit zugleich auch außenpolitisch relevant. Deutschland könnte beispielsweise einen „App Store“ für digitale Instrumente in den Bereichen Bildung, Gesundheitswesen und Polizeiarbeit einrichten. Die Bundesregierung könnte auch die Auflagen bei ihren Finanzierungsanreizen für die Technologiebeschaffung durch Cyber- und Anbieterrichtlinien verstärken, die mit nationalen, EU- und NATO-Sicherheitsinteressen in Einklang stehen.” Barker, Tyson u. David Hagebölling: Eine digitale Grand Strategy für Deutschland. DGAP, November 2022, https://dgap.org/de/forschung/publikationen/eine-digitale-grand-strategy-fuer-deutschland-0 ↩︎
liber-net: Das Zensurnetzwerk: Regulierung und Repression im heutigen Deutschland. 08.04.2026, S. 15, https://route96.pareto.space/2aeadd06c06e349cfe9f3c7b0cda858a006b3a28d84952db385624987a3f6d2b.jpg ↩︎
Tögel, Jonas: Die Kognitive Kriegsführung der NATO. Overton-Magazin, 10.07.2023, https://overton-magazin.de/top-story/die-kognitive-kriegsfuehrung-der-nato/ ↩︎
De Lapuente, Roberto: “Mr. Baab, You won’t get any Beer here!” Interview with Patrik Baab. The Postil Magazine, 01.08.2023 ↩︎
Hofbauer, Hannes: Aller Rechte beraubt. Mit außergerichtlichen EU-Sanktionen zum autoritären Staat. Wien 2026, s.209-213 ↩︎
Polizei Berlin: Vorladung zur Zeugenvernehmung, AZ 214 RHs 1983/24 v. 07.04.2025 ↩︎
Anwaltlicher Schriftsatz vom 29. April 2025. Elizabeth Trudeau, die frühere Sprecherin des US-Außenministeriums, kommentierte, dass die USA über die Veröffentlichung persönlicher Daten über Journalisten, die sich im Krisengebiet aufhalten, sehr besorgt seien. “Es ist einfach inakzeptabel, dass Journalisten für das, was sie sagen oder schreiben, bedroht werden. Regierungen sollten alles tun, um die Sicherheit von Journalisten zu gewährleisten. Zudem verschlimmerte eine Welle von Onlinebelästigungen die Situation dieser Journalisten zusätzlich”, bemerkte Dunja Mijatović, Vertreterin der OSZE für Medienfreiheit. (https://route96.pareto.space/39e832993209c5035c3dedd64320bc74e03ed5726803ff53b159d7b9ba5c4c42.pdf, verkürzt https://shorturl.at/k9ta1) ↩︎
https://report24.news/merkel-regime-laesst-wohnung-von-immunologe-prof-hockertz-stuermen/ ↩︎

Diary of my Death (1/2)

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